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Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere (大東亜共栄圏)totentanz0.deviantart.com/art/…morganhauser-2010.deviantart.c…
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“Of course the conquests secured in Japan’s earlier wars with China, Russia, and Germany would be retained, along with the recently seized large and important portions of China as well as occupied French Indo-China. The planned division of Asia with Germany has already been mentioned. It would mean Japanese control of the eastern part of the Soviet Union, including most of Siberia, in addition to all of South and Southeast Asia east of the seventieth parallel.”
“This document [Land Disposal Plan in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere] assumed that the puppet government Japan had established in Manchuria would continue and that the collaborationist government the Japanese had induced the Chinese collaborator Wang Ching-wei to set up in the parts of China conquered by the Japanese army since 1937 would continue to operate there. The islands north of the equator that had been taken from Germany after World War I and had been allocated to Japan as C-Class Mandates by the League of Nations; the Marianas, Carolines, Marshall Islands, and some others had been the subject of earlier negotiations with the Germans and therefore do not figure in the new project.
Under a projected “Government General of Formosa” would come Hong Kong, the Philippines, the Paracel Islands, and Macao (to be purchased by Portugal) as well as the island of Hainan (to be purchased from the puppet government of China).
A “South Seas Government Office” would take over Guam, Nauru, Ocean Island, the Gilbert Islands, and Wake.
An office called either “Melanesian Region Government-General” or “South Pacific Government-General” was to administer the British and Australian (eastern) parts of New Guinea, the Admiralties, New Britain, New Ireland, and the smaller islands near them, the Solomon Islands, the Santa Cruz Archipelago, the Ellice Islands, the Fiji Islands, the New Hebrides, New Caledonia, Loyalty Island, and Chesterfield Island…
An “Eastern Pacific Government-General” would be in charge of Hawaii, Howland Island, Baker Island, the Phoenix Islands, the Rain Islands, the Marquesas and Tuamotu Islands, the Societies Islands, the Cook and Austral Islands, all of the Samoan Islands, and Tonga.
If there were any coral reefs that the Japanese planners overlooked, these must have been missin from their maps.
What was called the “Australian Government-General” was expected to govern the whole of Australia along with Tasmania.
A tentatively entitled “New Zealand Government-General” was to govern both the North and the South Islands of New Zealand along with the Maquarie Island and the southwestern portion of the Pacific Ocean.
A “Ceylon Government-General” would control, in addition to Ceylon itself, the southern third of India defined by a detailed line running approximately west to east from the Portuguese colony of Goa.
The “Alaska Government-General” was expected to comprise all of Alaska, Canada’s Yukon Province together with the western portion of the Northwest Territory, the provinces of Alberta and British Columbia, as well as the state of Washington.
A “Government-General of Central America” was to include Guatemala, San Salvador, Honduras, British Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Panama, Colombia, the Maracaibo [western] portion of Venezuela, Ecuador, Cuba, Haiti, Dominica, Jamaica, and the Bahamas.
The future of Trinidad, British and Dutch Guiana, and the British and French possessions in the Leeward Islands was left open for negotiations with the Germans after the war.
Furthemore, if Mexico, Peru, and/or Chile entered the war against Japan, substantial parts of those states were also to be ceded to Japan.”
“If all these territories were to come under direct Japanese administration, a set of so-called indipendent states was to be established on the model of Manchoukuo, as the puppet state established by the Japanese in Manchuria was called. There was to be an “East Indies Kingdom” that would include all the Dutch possessions in the East Indies, those portions of Borneo that were not under Dutch control, that is, British Borneo, Labuan, Sarawak, and Brunei, and, in addition. The Cocos and Christmas Islands, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in the Indian Ocean, and the Portuguese portions of Timor, which were to be purchased.
A”Kingdom of Burma” would have the Indian province of Assam and a substantial portion of Bengal transferred from India to British Burma as the core of this new construction.
Malaya and Thailand were to be separated kingdoms, while French Indo-China was to be divided into two kingdoms: the “Kingdom of Cambodia,” comprising Cambodia and French Cochin China, and the “Kingdom of Annam,” comprising Annam, Laos, and Tongking.”
(Visions of Victory: The Hopes of Eight World War II Leaders; Gerhard L. Weinberg)
“1. Regions to be under the jurisdiction of the Government- General oI Formosa: Hong Kong Macao (to be purchased) The Philippine Islands Paracel Islands Hainan Island (to be purchased from China)
2. To be administered by the South Seas Government Office: Guam Nauru Ocean Island Gilbert Islands Wake
3. The Melanesia Region Government-General or South Pacific Government-General (provisional titles): New Guinea (the British and Australian mandated territories east of Long. 141 degrees E.) The Admiralty Archipelago New Britain, New Ireland and the islands in the vicinity The Solomons Santa Cruz Archipelago Ellice Islands Fiji Islands New Hebrides New Caledonia Loyalty Island Chesterfield Island
4. Eastern Pacific Government- General: Hawaii Howland, Baker and Phoenix Islands, Rain Islands Marquesas and Tuamotu Islands, Society Islands, Cook and Austral Islands Samoa Tonga
5. The Australian Government- General: The whole of Australia and Tasmania
6. The New Zealand Government- General (provisional title): The North and South Islands of New Zealand Macquarie Island The sea, south of the Tropic of Capricorn and east of Long. 160 degrees E., as far as the S. Pole region
7. The Ceylon Government-General: Ceylon; and India lying south of the following boundary: from the west coast on the northern frontier of Portuguese Goa, thence to the north of Dharwar and Bellary and to the River Penner, and along the north bank of the Penner to the east coast at Nellore Laccadive Islands Maldive Islands Chagos Islands Seychelles Mauritius
8. Alaska Government-General: Alaska The Yukon Province, and the land between that Province and the Mackenzie River Alberta British Columbia The State of Washington
9. The Government-General of Central America: Guatemala San Salvador Honduras British Honduras Nicaragua Costa Rica Panama Colombia, and the Maracaibo district of Venezuela Ecuador Cuba Haiti Dominica Jamaica Bahamas The future of Trinidad, British and Dutch Guiana and British and French possessions in the Leeward Islands to be decided by agreement between Japan and Germany after the war
10. In the event of her declaring war on Japan, Mexico to cede territory east of Long. 95 degrees 30'. Should Peru join the war against Japan it must cede territory north of Lat. 1 0 degrees; and if Chile enters the war it shall cede the nitre zone north of Lat. 24 degrees.
1 . The East Indies Kingdom: All Dutch possessions in the E. Indies British Borneo, Labuan, Sarawak, Brunei Cocos Christmas Island Andamans Nicobars Portuguese Timor (to be purchased)
2. The Kingdom of Burma: British Burma and Assam, together with part of Bengal between the Ganges and Brahmaputra
3. The Malay Kingdom
4. The Kingdom of Thailand
5. The Kingdom of Cambodia: Cambodia and French Cochin China
6. The Kingdom of Annam: Annam, Laos and Tongking”
(Introducing Fascism and Nazism, by Stuart Hood, Litza Jansz, Richard Appignanesi)
“Allied investigators discovered evidence of her plans for the ultimate disposal of the conquered territories, had she been able to retain control of them. This was in the form of a Foreign Ministry draft, dated 14 December 1941. Shigenori Togo, who had at that time been Foreign Minister, declared to the Tokyo Tribunal that he had had no part in the formulation of the plan, and denied ever having seen it or even heard of it. He thought it must have been a tentative draft by some subordinate official, without any binding authority.9 The scheme provided that Singapore Island, the Straits Settlements, British North Borneo, and Sarawak were to be made Japanese territory and to be ruled by a Japanese Governor-General resident at Singapore. The rest of Malaya, with the exception of the four northern Malay States, was to become a Japanese protectorate, under the suzerainty of the Governor-General at Singapore, who was to exercise the same authority over Brunei. The Netherlands East Indies were to be grouped in an Indonesian federation, but the outer regions, Dutch New Guinea, Dutch Borneo, and the Dutch portion of Timor, were to remain under Japanese control - camouflaged by their being designated 'dominions' of the federation. The Philippines were to be made independent, but this status was to be subject to special military and economic privileges for Japan. Hongkong was also to be Japanese territory, although its retrocession to China might be considered after the restoration of peace - i.e. the downfall of Chungking.10 It may be that this draft as it stood was not finally approved by the Japanese Government, but there was much in it which corresponded with their statements, and indeed their actions, in the years 1942-3. Tojo, for instance, told the Diet on 22 January 1942 that, to ensure permanent peace in Greater East Asia, 'we have a mind to bring under our power those areas which are absolutely indispensable for the defence of Greater East Asia and to deal with the others in accordance with the traditions and the culture of every race'. He indicated that Hongkong and Malaya were in the former category. What the Japanese Government proceeded to do bore out his words. Hongkong was placed under a Japanese military governor and continued to be thus administered for the duration of the war. The frequent references to Malaya as Japanese territory, the initial discouragement of Indonesian Nationalist aspirations, and the Imperial Conference decision of 31 May 1943 respecting the East Indies have already been noted. Thus, had Japan been able to retain her conquests, it appears that these would have been politically organized in three groups: first, those annexed outright, which would have been areas of key strategic importance for ensuring the maintenance of Japanese naval and military predominance, i.e. Hongkong, Singapore, Borneo, New Guinea, and ex-Dutch Timor; second, regions which, though at first directly governed by the Japanese, might eventually be granted a limited autonomy, i.e. the Malay States, Sumatra, Java and Madoera, and possibly also Celebes; third, the 'allied nations', i.e. Man- chukuo, China, the Philippines, Indo-China (which might perhaps have been left nominally under French sovereignty), Siam, and Burma. Japan would, no doubt, have maintained garrisons at strategic points in some of these so- called 'allied' countries, and all would have been bound by treaty to be her political and military auxiliaries.”
(South East Asia, Colonial History, by Paul H. Kratoska)
“…but always with the reservation of Japan's right to annex any territory, especially those of backward people. The Philippines would become "quickly" independent. An "Indonesian Federation", excluding less developed areas which were to be under the direct control of Japan, was to be established. 1 Singapore and the Straits Settlements were to be Japanese territories and administered by a Japanese Governor-General at Singapore. A new federation, consisting of the former Federated and non- Federated States of Malaya, was to be set up, and the administration was to be directed and controlled by the Japanese Governor-General at Singapore. A "treaty of protection" was to be concluded with the Federation as well as its component states in order to safeguard Japan's "right of protectorate" over them. The Kingdom of Brunei was to be made a separate Japanese protectorate with a similar treaty and controlled by the Governor-General at Singapore. British North Borneo and Sarawak, where the monarchy was to be abolished, were to be organised as Japanese territories and governed by the Governor- General at Singapore. The disposition of Hongkong was to depend on the settlement of the China Incident.”
“After the war all occupied areas, with the exception of certain military bases, would get "freedom" and be made "independent monarchies." In determining the new states, the degree of development of their inhabitants would be taken into consideration, but the dictum "one race, one state" would not necessarily be observed. A combination of several states was also foreseen "in case of necessity." 2 In any event Japanese control of foreign and military affairs of all states of the Co-Prosperity Sphere was to be regarded as a sine qua non to the peace and stability in the whole area.
Thus Japan was to retain full freedom of action and complete supervision in the re-organised scheme. And how far this supreme authority of Japan would extend ? The plan of December indicated also the limits, which sounds so fantastic, that some amount of doubt arises about the authenticity or at least of the official character of this document. To the West, Goa on India's West coast would be the farthest point; to the North, the Arctic Sea till the north of Alaska; to the East, it would extend till the eastern islands of Caribbean Sea, where the new Japanese Colonial Empire would touch the Western border of the future German sphere of influence. More to the south than the projected Southern border was impossible: the South Pole itself would be the terminus. This was the way in which some of the Japanese planners imagined themselves "Asia for the Asiatics!"
It appears that the basic idea of the expulsion of the Anglo-Saxons from the Co-Prosperity Sphere had a sinister significance, for Australia and New Zealand were to be included in the sphere. The plan envisaged a series of "Governments- General" - Formosa, South Sea Islands (Guam, Nauru, Ocean Island, Gilbert Islands, Wake) , Melanesia, East Pacific, Australia, New Zealand, Ceylon, Alaska, and Central America - which would form the outer ring of the Japanese sphere of influence. Inside this, there would be the group of "independent states" - East Indian Kingdom (embracing the Dutch East Indies and British Borneo), Kingdoms of Burma (including "the whole of British Burma, Assam Province [India], the portion of Bengal Province from the left bank of the River Ganges to the eastern part of the Shahappur Canal from the confluence of the River Brahmaputra; with Thailand the boundaries shall be established separately"), Malaya (the Federated States of Malaya), Siam, Cambodia, Annam (with Tongking), and, of course, China and Manchukuo, although not mentioned in this connection. Hainan, Hongkong and the Philippines would be the directly-governed Japanese territories. The extravagant ideas of the Ministry of War were only partially approved by General Tojo's own "Total War Research Institute." 1 It was this Institute that openly pointed out the desirability of making the attack on Pearl Harbour, the beginning of a series of wars to be waged over a period of more than twenty years with the purpose of a systemetic expansion of East Asia to a Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, and later on, to the Japanese world domination. The plan-makers of the Institute were wholly seized with the mythical world of thought, which considered Japanese role in world events as a divine mission and for whom the "new order" in Asia should be not only economic and political but also moral and intellectual.”
(Japan's Colonialism and Indonesia, by Muhammed Abdul Aziz)
“The term. Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere, appeared in Japanese publications during the third or fourth year of the undeclared Sino-Japanese War. It was an expression of hope for the Japanese people who had no clear idea of the purposes of the war and who were only gradually given to understand that the aims of the war are far beyond the immediate objective of the "chastisement" of Chiang Kai-shek. It was also a slogan to combat the enmity of the Chinese and other peoples who, by force of arms or by threat of force, were included in this sphere. These peoples were to be convinced that their inclusion in this co-prosperity sphere was in their own interest; that not only Japan but also the population of the occupied regions would derive advantages from the occupation. The term, Greater East Asia, lacks precision. For the time being it covers the Japanese Empire, Manchuria, China Proper, the Philippines, the Netherland Indies, French Indo-China, Thailand, British Malaya, and Burma. Moreover, the Soviet Far East should be included. Writings of the Japanese militarists leave no doubt that, at the first possibility, the experiment of 1919-21, when the Japanese stood guard on Lake Baikal, will be repeated. In respect to other regions, we have more recent pronouncements: India, Australia, and New Zealand were to be included in the sphere. In May 1942 the Japanese Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry was not yet certain whether Australian wheat would be available in Greater East Asia during the war, but the Traffic Committee believed that large numbers of automobiles in use in Australia, New Zealand, and India (808,500, 276,000 and 123,000, respectively) "may be mobilized for the smooth transportation of materials in the Co-prosperity Sphere." Among others, the Vice President of the Nippon Yusen Kaisha wrote in the Oriental Economist (February 1942) that India "should be included in Greater East Asia, which will then be self-sufficient and more complete and powerful than any of the other economic blocs which were to be formed after the restoration of peace.”
“The whole of Greater East Asia is to be divided into two parts: one suitable for large-scale Japanese emigration and one unsuitable. The suitable area comprises Manchukuo and some parts of North China; to the unsuitable southern regions, only leaders of the natives will go. The Greater East Asia Personnel Training Committee was established in Japan with the purpose of training the personnel who will be "leaders in the first line of the reconstruction work." The Japanese have said that the winning of the war depends entirely on the ability of the officials to lead the natives in Greater East Asia.”
“It is emphasized that, however important the development of Southeastern Asia may be, the center of gravity of Greater East Asia remains in the "inner zone" — Japan, Korea, Manchuria, and North China — and it is these latter regions which are to be developed most intensively. The task of Southeast Asia is to supply needed raw materials for the "inner zone" and to supply necessary foodstuffs and materials for the Japanese armies stationed in the respective southern countries.”
(Japan and South East Asia: From the Meiji Restoration to 1945, by Wolf Mendl)
In this speech Tōjō seemed to be reflecting ideas formulated by a body called the Total War Research Institute which had close relations with the army and the cabinet. In January 1942 the institute prepared ‘the draft plan for the establishment of the Co-prosperity Sphere’, which seemed to influence the thinking of the government. Here for the first time we have an attempt at a definition of the sphere. The document divided it into three areas: the Inner Sphere (Japan, Manchukuo, North China, the lower Yangtse valley, and the Soviet Maritime area); the Smaller Co-prosperity Sphere (including the Inner Sphere, plus Eastern Siberia, China, French Indo-China, and the Nanyo or South-East Asia; and the Greater Co-prosperity Sphere (including the Smaller Sphere, plus Australia, India, and various island groups in the Pacific Ocean area). It was the Smaller Sphere which would be developed in the immediate future, but it was envisaged that it would require at least 20 years to complete, after which there would be a gradual extension to the construction of the Greater Sphere, though this ‘presupposes the need for another great war in the future’.
“But it is now reasonably clear that the "Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere", the grandiose and misleading name which the Japanese gave to their rising empire, was eventually to reach deep into Asia and far out into the Pacific Ocean. Throughout an immense domain, bounded roughly by India, Lake Baikal, Alaska, Hawaii, New Zealand, Australia, and the East Indies, Japan was to have a monopoly of arms, and a near monopoly of heavy industry. The subjugated peoples were to be "hewers of wood and drawers of water", producing food and raw materials for their Japanese lords and masters.”
(Readings on the foundations of national power, United States. Bureau of Naval Personnel)
“It is borne out by a document prepared by the Research Section of the Japanese War Ministry which was adduced as evidence before the International Military Tribunal for the Far East, entitled "The Land Disposal Plan in the Greater East-Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere". This document provided that Burma, the East Indies, Malaya, Thailand, Cambodia and Annam should become independent kingdoms. But it also provided that a special Japanese Government-General should be set up for Australia and another for New Zealand, which would thus become Japanese provinces. I mention these quite indisputable facts because it is necessary to strike the Australian imagination with the fact that the physical conquest of this country has been seriously proposed, that it was almost achieved, and that it would have been accomplished had it not been for the intervention of American power. We have no independent power of self-defence.”
(Twentieth Century: An Australian Quarterly Review)
“The extentof the proposed Greater East Asia Co- Prosperity Scheme, in particular its "Land Disposal Plan", issued by the Japanese Ministry of War in December 1941, is described in detail in "Fascism for Beginners" by S. Hood and L. Jansz, Icon Books Ltd, Cambridge, 1993, p 84ff. ISBN 1 874105 08 0. Not only Hong Kong, Burma, and Malaya, but Australia, New Zealand, The Dutch East Indies, Hawaii, States along the western seaboard of the USA and Canada, and even Jamaica and the Bahamas, were to come under Japanese control.”
(In Arduis Fidelis: Centenary History of the Royal Army, by John S. G. Blair)
Nipponists knew all along that their much-vaunted "Japan-Manchukuo-China Bloc" was neither self-suffi-cient nor even a success. By the middle of 1940 they had therefore decided to launch a further campaign of extending their sphere of activities. They christened the new stage of Nipponism as the "Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." This enlarged sphere of influence resembles closely the Nazi Professor Haushof er's geopolitik schemes, but has nowhere yet been precisely defined by the Nipponist leaders themselves. Only, Mr. Matsuoka, while still the Foreign Minister, told the House of Representatives in February 1941, that "my theory is that Oceania, which is 1,200 miles north and south, and 1,000 miles east and west, must be a place to which Asiatic people can migrate. This region has sufficient natural resources to support between 600 and 800 million people. I believe that we have an actual right to migrate there. While it is difficult to conduct political affairs according to advocated ideals, I believe that the white race must cede Oceania to the Asiatics." Another authority, Admiral Sankichi Takahashi, a former naval Commander-in-Chief, said: "It begins with Manchukuo in the north and extends to Australia in the south. In the east it begins at the 180th parallel and extends west to the Bay of Bengal and Burma." The Admiral envisages the fulfilment of this latest phase of Nipponism in several stages. Manchukuo, China, Indo-China, Malaya, Burma, the Netherland Indies, New Guinea, New Caledonia, the Philippines and Australia, one after another, will be annexed. "Greater East Asia will be built up in proportion to our national strength. The greater our strength, the larger will'be our sphere."
(Japan's Kampf, by Jaya Deva)
Fujoka saw "Greater East Asia" as an aggregate of "three co- prosperity spheres". "The first (small) sphere" had a radius almost equal to the distance between Kunsan (Korea) as the centre and Shukuka (South Sakhalin). The circumference of that "small sphere" crossed Soviet territory south east of Nerchinsk and Chinese territory, touching the north- eastern tip of Hainan Island. "The second (middle) co prosperity sphere" was seen as a circle with a radius nearly equal to the distance from Nawa as the centre (Okinawa) to the northern tip of Sakhalin. Its circumference crossed Soviet territory along the south-eastern shore of Lake Baikal.The "second sphere" incorporated the whole of the "first". "The third (large) co- prosperity sphere" was a huge circle with the centre at the Palau Islands (the South- East Pacific), its radius reaching as far as Cape Govensky (Kamchatka) and the eastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula (Cape Hadda).
(The Far East in the Second World War, by A. M. Dubinskiĭ)
The document "Daito-A kyoeiken-ron" (On the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere) , compiled in 1942 by the intelligence section of the Ministry of the Navy, suggests how the Co-Prosperity Sphere was envisioned as a whole. It divides the components of the Sphere into five categories: (1) Japan, the "leading country"; (2) independent countries (Republic of China [Nanking], Man- chukuo, and Thailand), (3) independent protectorates (dokurtsu hogokoku) (Burma, Philippines, Java), (4) directly administered areas (chokkatsuryo) that were “key points in the defense of Greater East Asia,” and (5) colonies under the sovereignty of powers outside the Sphere (French Indochina, Portuguese Timor, and so on).
(Network Power: Japan and Asia, by Peter J. Katzenstein)
“A week after Pearl Harbor, the Foreign Office proposed a plan for Japan to annex British Borneo, the Straits Settlements, and Singapore; the rest of Malaya would become a protectorate. The Netherlands East Indies were to become an "independent" Indonesian federation, although some outer regions would stay under effective Japanese control. This minimum program was a bit too small for many Japanese, and argument continued for a long time over the exact form that Japanese control should take in Malaya and Indonesia, the economic heart of the new empire. In January 1942 the Japanese agreed to promise independence to Burma and the Philippines — which had been on the verge of receiving real independence from the Western powers in any case — and those countries were declared independent in August and October 1943, respectively. In May 1943, the wrangle over the status of Indonesia ended. Tojo and Foreign Minister Shigemitsu's suggestion that it become "independent" was rejected. It was decided to annex it, although the inhabitants would be granted some voice in their affairs. This decision was kept secret lest the Indonesians make trouble, for they had proven useful collaborators.”
“Early in the war they even vaguely outlined ideas to make the American West Coast a semi-autonomous satellite state should the Axis be totally victorious. But they never really expected this to happen and did not waste time on fleshing out such plans.”
“Programs for an occupied Hawaii were more fully discussed, but the Japanese never decided whether to annex it, make it nominally independent under a restored Hawaiian monarchy, or use it as a bargaining counter. Those who wanted some form of permanent control of Hawaii favored using the local Japanese community, breaking up the "Big Five" corporations that dominated the islands' economy, and reducing sugar and pineapple cultivation in favor of basic foodstuffs to make Hawaii more self-sufficient. White Americans would be given a choice of removal to the mainland or staying in the islands; the planners were conscious of the danger of evoking a violent American reaction and stipulated that they be well treated. Japanese programs for a conquered Australia were even more vague; a massive study by bureaucrats in the Ministry of Health and Welfare (!) titled "An Investigation of Global Policy with the Yamato Race as Nucleus" envisaged massive Japanese agricultural colonization in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere and advocated planting up to two million settlers in Australia and New Zealand, but it is by no means clear that this would have been accepted as a serious policy. There are indications that Tojo visualized a separate peace with Australia rather than its outright conquest and treating it later as a satellite state like Burma or the Philippines rather than Malaya.”
“The northern Malay states were ceded to Thailand; the rest remained under a harsh Japanese military administration and would have been annexed by the Japanese had they won the war.”
(The Pacific War: Japan Versus the Allies, Alan J. Levine)
“Nevertheless, an anthology of lectures by the late General Hayashi (former President of the 'East Asia Development League'), entitled 'On the Structure of the South Seas Region', should be noted. He expressed the intention to include Manchuria in the Japanese sphere of influence, seize the Soviet Maritime Province, Northern Sakhalin and Kamchatka, and spread Japanese influence from Inner Mongolia to Tibet and India.”
“On 4 August the Coordinating Committee approved the 'Basic principles of diplomatic negotiations with the Soviet Union'. These proposed 'to achieve cessation of Soviet aid to China, transfer of Northern Sakhalin, Kamchatka and Soviet territory East of the Amur to Japan, and withdrawal of Soviet forces from all territories of the Soviet Far East'.”
(The Japanese-Soviet neutrality pact: a diplomatic history, 1941-1945, by Boris Nikolaevich Slavinskiĭ,Geoffrey Jukes)
“The adoption of extraordinary measures finalised the unification of the occupied countries in the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. Besides Japan, that sphere included Korea, Manchukuo, Indochina, Malaya, the Philippines and some of the South Sea islands. It was planned that this "sphere" would subsequently embrace the eastern part of the USSR up to a line running west of Lake Baikal, the Mongolian People’s Republic, Sinkiang, Tibet, the Chinese province of Tsinghai, the Aleutian Islands and Alaska.”
“Under that plan the central zone of the "Co-Prosperity Sphere" was to embrace an "area covering Japan, Manchuria, North China, the lower reaches of the Yangtze and the Soviet Union's Maritime Region", with the latter region to become “part of Japanese territory in the immediate future”.
On February 18, 1942 the Total War Institute completed its programme for the first phase of a total war envisaging the occupation of the Maritime, Khabarovsk and Chita regions and the Buryat-Mongolian Autonomous Republic.”
(The rise and fall of the Gunbatsu: a study in military history, by Evgeniĭ Mikhaĭlovich Zhukov)
“The communist Party secretary, M.N. Yerbanov, the president of the Buryat Republic, Dampilon, and the whole membership of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Republic were arrested and accused of being wreckers, ‘bourgeois’ nationalists and fascist agents intent upon separating Buryatia from the Soviet Union and making it a vassal of Japan. After a show-trial staged in Ulaan-Üde in September 1937, Yerbanov and fifty-three other Buryats were executed, as were the Buryat architects of the puppet state of Mongolia, Zhamtsarano and Rinchino.”
“Yakut nationalist leaders at this time conceived the idea of combining with part of Eastern Siberia to form a separate state under the protection of the Japanese – who were, of course, willing to support any military adventure having this as its aim.”
(A History of the Peoples of Siberia: Russia's North Asian Colony 1581-1990, by James Forsyth)
“The Army was firmly convinced that the Wehrmacht would be victorious, and expected territorial conquests if Japan entered the Conflict; of what these territorial conquests would consist, however, they had no clear notion. The Army definitely intended to annex Northern Sakhalin and the Kamchatka Peninsula. Furthemore, it was planned to establish a Japanese sphere of influence up to Lake Baikal, and even possibly to demilitarise the whole area between Lake Baikal and Novosibirsk.”
(From peace to war: Germany, Soviet Russia, and the world, 1939-1941, by Bernd Wegner)
“Araki and Suzuki, as was pointed out earlier, openly declared in 1933 the intention of seizing by force the territories of the Maritime Province, Zabaikalye and Siberia.”
“The Kwantung Army was to occupy the Soviet cities of Voroshilov, Vladivostok, Iman and then Khabarovsk, Blagoveshchensk and Kuibyshcvka. The plan for 1941, prior to Germany's attack on the USSR , had similar aims. At the first stage of the war it was intended to occupy the cities of Voroshilov, Vladivostok, Blagoveshchensk, Iman, Kuibyshevka and at the next stage to occupy North Sakhalin, Petropavlosk of Kamchatka, Nikolaevsk on the Amur, Komsomolsk and Sovgavan.”
(The Tokyo Judgment, International Military Tribunal for the Far East)
“There is some evidence, however, that an attack on the Soviet Union was contemplated after the winter season and the anticipated collapse of the Soviet regime. Various Japanese planning bodies envisaged an advance deep into Siberia along the Transiberian Railway with Omsk as its destination point. The Soviet Maritime Province was to be annexed to the Manchukuo Empire.”
(India in Axis strategy: Germany, Japan, and Indian nationalists in the Second World War, by Milan Hauner)
“In May 1943 the Kokusaku Kenkyukai published the draft of the 10-year plan for the management of territories in the Greater Bast Asia Co- prosperity Sphere. In this plan the question of the Japanese invasion of the territory of the Soviet Union was regarded as settled, as is shown in the following excerpt from the plant: 'Future of Soviet Territories "Though this problem cannot be easily decided at present inasmuch as it is to be settled in accordance with the Japanese-German pact, the Maritime Province shall be annexed to Japan, the district adjacent to the Manchurian Empire shall be put into the Sphere of influence of that country, and the Trans-Siberian Railroad shall be placed under the complete control of Japan and Germany with Omsk as the point of demarcation.' In conformity therewith the '10-year plan' contemplated that the whole eastern region of the U. S. S. R. , including Lake Baikal and Outer Mongolia, should be included in the 'reasonable scope of the coprosperity sphere.' As to the western part of the Soviet Union, the members of the Society conceded it to Germany.1' The prosecution cited testimony of Japanese Army officers to show that the General Staff planned and prepared a war of aggression against the U. S. S. R. "Under the plan of 1941, according to testimony of Bejima, formulated prior to Germany's attack against the U. S. S. R. , the Zwantung Army, in the first phase of the war, expected to occupy Vladivostok, Blagoveechensk, Iman, Kuibyshevka and Rukhlovo, while in the second phase it expected as far as the situation permitted to occupy North Sakhalin, Port Petropavlovsk of Kamchatka, Niko- layevsk on tbe Amur River, Komsomolsk and Sovietskaya Gavan.”
(Summation [of] non-military activities in Japan)
“He promised that Russian fascists would assist Japan in the approaching war with the USSR. Such assistance would take the form of propaganda work among the Siberian population prior to the Japanese invasion and during the ensuing occupation. VFP "shock troopers" would infiltrate Siberia and convince the "peasants and workers" to welcome the Japanese as harbingers of the National Revolution. After driving the Soviets out of eastern Siberia, the Japanese could establish a "White Russian buffer state" stretching from Vladivostok to Lake Baikal. In Vonsiatsky's words, "Japan would govern and police the captured territory until the National Party [VFP] announced the time appropriate for transfer of title and authority to its own organization ." In response to this scenario Araki said little, but Vonsiatsky went away convinced that the general was sympathetic.”
“A Russian nationalist like Konstantin Rodzaevsky had no desire to see his soratniki serving under some Armenian, but the Japanese knew how to make him discover that desire. In March 1938, Tokumu Kikan chief Major General Higuchi Kiichiro invited the vozhd to his private residence for (in Rodzaevsky 's words) a "heart to heart talk" about burying petty differences with other emigre groups in order to undertake the great task of destroying communism. Higuchi expertly plucked the strings of Rodzaevsky's ambitions and anxieties. Japan planned, he confided, to turn the Soviet Far East into a White Russian buffer state in which the fascists could play an important role. But that role depended upon how well the fascists functioned within the Asano Brigade. Higuchi's successor, Major General Hata Hikosaburo, reiterated this double-edged message in 1939, as did envoys from General Araki, then minister of education, and General Itagaki Seishiro, coarchitect of the 1931 Mukden incident, appointed Army minister on June 3, 1938. Rodzaevsky took his patrons' advice without quibbling. He had little choice but to accede to recommendations that emanated from people who could ensure — or foreclose — his future.”
“Formulated by the Imperial General Staff in 1934, the Otsu plan envisioned a surgical strike detaching Eastern Siberia and the Soviet Far East from the USSR. While some units were defending the western approaches to Manchukuo from Outer Mongolia, the main forces would drive into Soviet territory in two thrusts. One thrust, launched from the lower Sungari River and Pogranichnaya, would capture Khabarovsk and isolate the Maritime Province, including Vladivostok, principal base for the Soviet Pacific Fleet. Another thrust, moving northwest from Manchouli toward Chita, would take Irkutsk, thereby cutting off Siberia east of Lake Baikal from the rest of the USSR. The Otsu plan exploited the Red Army's logistic vulnerability in the Far East by aiming at key points on the Trans-Siberian Railroad. Soviet forces were strung out along the railway and heavily dependent upon it for supplies andreinforcements. With the railroad cut at Irkutsk and Khabarovsk, Kwantung Army strategists calculated that isolated Red Army units could be destroyed before help could arrive from European Russia. Activation of the Otsu plan was predicated upon the Kwantung Army's enjoying a two-to-one superiority in infantry, armor, artillery, and air power over Far Eastern units of the Red Army.”
(The Russian fascists: tragedy and farce in exile, 1925-1945, by John J. Stephan)
“This opportunity seemingly arrived following outbreak of September 18, 1931 and Japanese occupation of North Manchuria; and the white Russians lost no time in launching a fresh and strong movement for restoration of imperialist Russia. T\heir first objective has been the establishment, with Japanes assistance, of a buffer state in the Far Eastern District of U.S.S.R. Some of these white Russians went even so far as to declare that "should they be assisted by Japan to recover Russia from the hands of the Bolsheviks, the area lying to the east of Lake Baikal would be willingly given to the Japanese as a gift." ("World Knowledge," Vol. 3 No. 3, September 1932, article entitled "White Russians and the Japanese-Soviet -War" by C. Yoshimura.) For some time, G. Semenov, leader of the White Russian Army, went back and forth between Tokyo and Changchun to negotiate with the Japanese for the establishment of the buffer state in question; and, meanwhile, many white Russian ex-generals arrived in Manchuria from all parts of the world in order to participate in the movement. The white Russians wish only that the clash between Japan and Soviet Russia will take place on a large scale, so that they may fish in troubled waters. For obvious reasons, the Japanese authorities have repeatedly repudiated the reports that they were aiding the white Rusians to establish a buffer regime. In this connection, there are quoted below a number of statements published by the organs of white Russians, indicating that the reports were not entirely groundless. Cn January 6, 1932, the "Vozrojdenie" (white Russian organ published in Paris) carried an editorial stating that " Japan is carrying out her original plan and considers a clash with Soviet Russia unavoidable in view of her vital interests involved in North Manchuria.”
(The China Monthly Review)
“By late 1931 there was considerable interest among Russian emigres in the burgeoning conflict between Japan and China, and in the possibility of the Japanese creating a buffer zone in the Soviet Far East. This was an idea which stretched back to the Russian Civil War when Japanese troops had controlled much of eastern Siberia. Speculation about it revived in the early 1930s. The idea was that the Japanese would seize some territory in the Soviet Far East and create a Russian state as a buffer between themselves and the Soviets. This idea won the support of the ROVS leadership. A buffer state, noted General Stogov, would be 'a buffer for the Japanese, but for us simply Russian territory liberated from the Bolsheviks'.7 Support for the buffer zone concept seems to have been fairly widespread among the rank and file of ROVS, especially in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. Colonel Iasevich of the Don Cossack Corps, noted that the crux of the issue was whether Soviet or Japanese power was better. Most Russians, he concluded, thought that Japanese power was preferable.”
(The White Russian Army in Exile, 1920-1941 by Paul Robinson)
“Semenov admitted to having had direct contact with the well-known Japanese generals Tanaka and Araki, and to have been nominated as head of the buffer State to be established if the invasion were successful. By 1930 all the defendants appear to have been in the pay of the Japanese Intelligence system, and they appeared to have continued their activity right up to the defeat of Japan.”
(British documents on foreign affairs, Regne Unit. Foreign Office)
“Japanese politics was dominated by dueling visions of empire, one in the south and one in the north. An important clique in the Japanese military believed that Siberian re- sources were the key to the country's future economic development. Japan's Manchurian satellite, Manchukuo, had a long border with Soviet Siberia, and looked ever more like a launching pad for an invasion. The Japanese were toying with the idea of establishing a puppet Ukrainian state on Soviet territory in eastern Siberia, based on the million or so Ukrainians who lived there as deportees or settlers. As Tokyo understood, Ukrainians deported to the Gulag might well oppose Soviet power, given the assurance of foreign backing. Polish spies who knew of the idea referred to it as “Manchukuo Number Two.” The Japanese certainly seemed to have a long-term interest in Siberia.”
(Bloodlands: Europe Between Hitler and Stalin, by Timothy Snyder)
In 1936 Araki told me that … Japan's plan in the given period was to annex Eastern Siberia and the Primorye Territory from the USSR by armed force and set up a buffer state in their place. Already then Araki explained that possibly Japan would first seize Primorye Territory alone, but that this would not mean that she would discontinue her advance into the USSR. Japan's permanent objective was the territory beginning from Lake Baikal and extending to the east, said Araki in conclusion."
(Verbatim Report of the Sittings of Uie International Military Tribunal of the Far East, pp. 5751-52.)
“As the initial operations in Russia appeared so successful, Hitler began to extend his plans beyond his improvised ideas of the previous autumn. On 14 July 1941 he proposed to the Japanese ambassador, General Oshima, a general offensive alliance against the Soviet Union, which was regarded as already defeated and which was to be occupied by the two countries. According to Ribbentrop’s idea, the Japanese would advance from Vladivostok to Omsk and include Siberia in their sphere of influence. Then-Hitler went on, to Oshima’s surprise-Germany and Japan would together turn against the other peripheral power of the international system, the USA. ‘America with its imperialist policy was a threat both to the European and to the Asian Lebensraum. From Germany’s point of view Russia was a threat in the East and America in the West. The Führer therefore thought we must jointly destroy them. The lives of nations sometimes involved heavy tasks, but these could not be overcome by ignoring or postponing them.’ As a rule Hitler, unlike Ribbentrop, preferred the idea of relegating Japan to the Far East, so that the USA would be tied down in the Pacific and unable to turn its main forces against Europe at a time inconvenient for Germany. Hitler regarded the campaign against Russian as ‘his’ war and preferred to win it whithout the help of the ‘yellow men’, whom he considered untrustworthy and racially inferior.
(The Third Reich, by Klaus Hildebrand)
“During the summer and autumn of 1941, Japan feverishly prepared for an attack on Russia; and since the Germans were already advancing so fast, there were fears of ‘missing the bus while the fruit was ripe for picking’. However, the Red Army resisted so well that troops did not have to be shifted from the Far East towards the German front, and so the Kankokuen Plan was abortive. First of all, it was put off to spring 1941, when the occupation of Siberia as far as Omsk was contemplated. But then it was postponed sine die, the negotiations with America having finally collapsed, and Pearl Harbor having launched the war in the Pacific. Germany constantly encouraged Japan to intervene as soon as she could against the USSR. To give her a bait, Germany concluded a convention on 18 January 1942, which, for her, was a climb down that Japan was treated as an equal. The treaty laid down that neither state would make a separate peace, and the respective operational zones were precisely delineated – Japan took on everything east of 70 degrees longitude, including America, while Germany and Italy had everything west of that line, including both America and Africa. The Italian and German navies would move into Indian and Pacific waters if the main Allied effort went against Japan; and the Japanese navy would move to the Atlantic if that effort were directed against Germany and Italy. Perhaps Rommel’s advance, in spring 1942, had something to do with this Japanese treaty.”
(The use and abuse of history, or, How the past is taught, by Marc Ferro)
“The Gestapo picked up this kind of information from the conversations of U.S. diplomats in Berlin in October 1941, though the Foreign Ministry regarded this as on 'rather wide of the mark', and refused to submit it to Hitler. After Japan's entry into the war, however, the question of Japan's attitude to German policy in Russia and the Middle East assumed much more immediate practical significance. The question was left delicately ill-defined in the Axis Military Agreement, which prescribed a rough boundary along the line of 70° longitude east from the Himalayas southward, but said nothing about Soviet territory in view of Japanese obligations under the Soviet- Japanese neutrality pact. In July 1941, Hitler had indicated to Ambassador Oshima that he was prepared to pursue Stalin's forces beyond the Urals if necessary. His military advisers suggested the River Yenisei rather than the Urals as the boundary between the spheres of interest between the two allies in Central Asia. In December 1941 and April 1942, the Gestapo submitted detailed reports about statements made by various members of the Japanese embassy and the Japanese colony in Berlin which reiterated their suspicions, based on observations of German propaganda, that Hitler did not want to see the British Empire destroyed. It was felt that 'Germany's present pro-Japanese foreign policy is supported only by the Fuhrer and a narrow stratum of National Socialist leaders, while the German people's attitude toward Japan is not in the least friendly'. While officers in the bureau of the military attache supported a Japanese advance on India, the civilians allegedly argued that Japan should keep out of the Indian Ocean and even asserted that 'German policy was volatile and unreliable and cast doubt on German sympathies for Japan'. These covert monitorings of Japanese opinion found further confirmation from German military counter-intelligence surveillance of Japanese diplomats who had been involved in collaboration with the Polish Underground.”
(Proceedings of the British Association for Japanese Studies)
“Furthemore, once Japan secures control of that railway, she will hold all Russia’s territorial possessions East of Chita at her mercy. It is evident that the proposed sale must mean that the Soviets are forced to compromise their position in that vast region of Eastern Siberia, which is so rich in mineral, forest and other resources. Whether the boundaries of “Manchukuo” will extend beyond the north bank of the Amur, whether the Far Eastern Republic will reappear so as to serve as companion to “Manchukuo” or whether the Maritime Province will remain Russian as part of a bargain for the Soviet to give recogniton to Japan’s freedom of action in all Manchuria, time will tell.”
(Japan's Continental Adventure, by Ching Chun Wang)
“One section, under the rubric "Future of Soviet Territories," read: "This problem will be resolved by a Japanese-German agreement. At present, this agreement is difficult to reach. Nonetheless, the Maritime Territory will be incorporated into [our] imperial possessions. Regions belonging to Manchukuo will be included in our empire's sphere of influence. The Trans-Siberian Railroad will be placed entirely under German and Japanese control, with a line demarcating their respective spheres running through Omsk."4 The plan envisioned settling armed Japanese colonists on seized Soviet territories. Measures were even contemplated "averting a concentration of Slavs in Siberia" by forced relocation of Slavs to remote, uninhabited corners of the Far East. At the threshold of our Far Eastern frontiers, 125 kilometers from Vladivostok and 95 kilometers from Ussuriisk, stood a powerful, fully mobilized, well-armed Japanese army. This army had not only clearly formulated plans to seize Soviet territory, but directives to establish a colonial regime there. The Japanese army, ready for an invasion, awaited only marching orders. The frontier situation resembled a taut wire ready to snap. The regional party committee received information that such an attack might be launched at any moment.”
(Soviet studies in history)
“Evidence brought out at the Tokyo trial has indicated that the Japanese planned during this war to march into Siberia as Hitler expanded his victories, and that the Maritime Province would be annexed to Japan, the district adjacent to Manchuria would be put into the sphere of influence of that country, and the Trans-Siberian Railroad would be placed under the complete control of Japan and Germany, with Omsk as the point of demarcation. Such a plan would have revived the plan of the Japanese after the last war when their occupation of Siberia looked to President Wilson like an effort to annex large parts of it, and occasioned the participation of American troops under General Graves in a joint occupation.”
(New forces in Asia, by Bruno Lasker)
"The Japanese imperialists, urged on by monopolist associations, in conjunction with the country's military -feudal ruling clique, anticipated inclusion of the Soviet Far East and even 'Siberia up to the Urals' in the so-called 'Greater East Asia Co-prosperity Sphere." But it is one thing to "plan" aggression against theU.S.S.R. in the offices of the General Staff, in the laboratories of the Imperial Institute of Total War, or in the special committees of the notorious "research society" of the Japanese imperialists, the so-called "Koku-saku-kenkyu-kai "; to carry out such aggression is another thing.”
(Materials on the Trial of Former Servicemen of the Japanese Army, by Otozō Yamada)
“Nevertheless, the dream of seizing the Soviet Far East and Siberia never left the Japanese militarists. In the summer of 1941 the Japanese militarists had finished working out their plan for war against the USSR. This plan, named Kan Toku En ("Special Maneuvers of the Kwantung Army"), assumed that the main attack would be made in the Maritime Province by the forces of the 1st Front. The troops of the 2nd Front were to cross the Amur River, cut the railroad, and capture the major cities in the Soviet Far East (Khabarovsk, Blagoveshchensk, and others). The start of the concentration of Japanese forces under the Kan Toku En plan was set for 20 July 1941.”
(Soviet military thought, United States. Air Force)
“The Japanese authorities in Tsingtao, a center for White Russian emigres, have launched a campaign to recruit and train all White Russian males in that area as semi-mercenary troops. The Russians, according to reliable information from foreign sources, are promised that they will soon be given the opportunity of fighting for their homeland— which the Japanese designate as Baika-kuo— since the Japanese plan to occupy all of Siberia up to Lake Baikal and inaugurate a new nation there. All White Russian males between the ages of 17 have been organized into a junior corps, and all between 30 and 50, including former service men, into a senior corps. All are drilled every Sunday and receive weekly lectures on military and political subjects. Since the White Russians are literally men without a country, all those living in Tsingtao (and other Japanese occupied areas are under the complete domination of the Japanese and consider adherence to the Japanese plans as the wisest course to pursue under the circumstances even though many have no desire to fight against the Soviet.”
(China Monthly Review)
“I replied to Matsuoka that I would immediately forward his statement to the Reich Foreign Minister. I had to reserve comment on it, but asked for a technical explanation with respect to the extent of the East Siberian territory in which the Japanese Government, according to its statement, intended to achieve the destruction of communism. Matsuoka replied that this territory was not precisely delimited geographically, but in his opinion about to Irkutsk.”
(Document on German Foreign Policy)
“It was Irrefutably proved at the Tokyo trial that when the Japanese attacked the Mongolian People's Republic in 1939, their idea was to strike primarily at the Soviet Union and, if the attack should succeed, to proceed to carry out their long-since elaborated plans of seizing the Soviet Far East and Trans-Baikal. In the Japanese plans of war against the Soviet Union, the Mongolian People's Republic had always been assigned a prominent place. At the trial, numerous documents and statements of leading Japanese militarists were cited which insisted on the seizure of this state as a bridgehead for war against the Soviet Union. On March 28, 1936, War Minister Itagaki who was then Chief of Staff of the Kwangtung Army and who inspired the provocation at Halhen-ho, said in conversation with Arita, the Japanese Ambassador in China: "As is quite evident If we look at of East Asia, Outer Mongolia [as the Japanese called the Mongolian People's Republic] is of importance from the point of view of Japanese-Manchukuoan influence today because it is the flank defence of the Siberian Railroad, which is a connecting line between Soviet territory in the Far East and in Europe." Itagaki further said: "If Outer Mongolia be combined wfth Japan and Manchukuo, Soviet territory in the Far East will fall into a very dangerous condition, and it is possible that the influence of the Soviet Union in the Far East might be removed almost without fighting.”